They also continued in ordinary trade; as late as the 13th century they
dealt in wool, attended the Cologne fairs, and traded with Russia and
Hungary; during most of the Middle Ages there were even Jewish
*craftsmen and Jews had some contact with *agriculture.
However money lending, conceived by the Church as usury, became the
hallmark [[stamp]] of Jewish life in Germany. About 100 to 150 years
after usury became the main occupation of Jews in England and France,
it became central to the livelihood of Jews in Germany also. Jews
hatred and the evel *image of the Jew as conceived in the popular
imagination were nourished by this economic pattern. Owing to the
scarcity of money and lack of firm securities the rate of interest was
extremely high.
In 1244 the Jews of *
Austria
were given a bill of rights by Duke *Frederick II based on the
assumption that interest was the Jews' main source of income; the bill
contained detailed regulations on money lending, and the rate of
interest was fixed at 173 1/3 %. This kind of charter for Jews became
typical of those granted in central and eastern Germany (and Poland) in
the 13th and 14th centuries. Borrowing money from Jews against pawns
became usual among the nobility and the townspeople, and enabled
rabble-rousers to accuse the Jews of "sucking Christian blood" and of
associating (col. 461)
moneylenders. The Jews insisted on their right to refuse to return
pawns unless reimbursed, a right confirmed as early as 1090.
After the end of the 11th century the social status of the Jews
steadily deteriorated. The
Landesfrieden
("peace of the land") issued in 1103 includes the Jews among persons
who bear no arms and are therefore to be spared violence and defended.
[Daily danger of violence against
the Jews since 1096 with generalizations - criminal Church maintains
"perpetual serfdom and degradation" - definition as "servants" by
Emperor Frederick II]
The concepts which had determined the status of the Jews from the
beginning of their settlement in Germany were now applied with
increasing cruelty and vigor. The German political view was molded by a
combination of tribal and state concepts which could not regard those
who were alien in blood and faith as citizens of the state, while the
Church had always claimed that the sins of the Jews condemn them to
perpetual serfdom and degradation. The The need of the Jews for refuge
and protection was now utilized by the urge to oppress and exploit
them.
A long-drawn-out process of legal and social development was finally
summed up in 1236 by Emperor Frederick II, when he declared all the
Jews of Germany
*Servi camerae nostri
("servants of our treasury; Aronius, Regesten, 216 no. 496). This meant
that from the legal point of view the Jews and their property were
possessions of the emperor and hence entirely at his mercy. However
they never fully experienced the severity of this concept as it was
never fully applied to them; in a way, their status as servants of the
imperial treasury was even welcomed for it assured them of imperial
protection, protection which no other German authority was able or
willing to afford them.
Long after the concept of the servitude of the Jews had been applied in
Germany, *Meir b. Baruch of Rothenburg conceived that [[...] to any
(col. 462)
particular place as gentiles are; for they are regarded as impoverished
freemen who have not been sold into slavery; the government attitude is
according to this" (Responsa, ed. Prague, no. 1001; cf. Tos. to BK
58a). The concepts that Jewish lives were not inviolable and that the
Jews were in servitude to the country's rulers led to renewed outbursts
of anti-Jewish violence whenever a critical situation arose.
[Second Crusade 1146: protection
in castles and preaching of Bernard of Clairvaux calm the mob down]
The second Crusade (1146), which was again accompanied by widespread
anti-Jewish agitation, was also a living nightmare for the Jews.
However the experience of 1096 had taught a lesson both to the Jews and
to the authorities: the Jews took refuge in the castles of the
nobility, whenever possible having the entire citadel to themselves
until the danger passed (see A.M. Habermann, op. cit. [[A. M. Habermann
(ed.),
Gezerot Ashkenaz ve-Zarefat
(Ẓarefat) (1945)]] 117). The preaching of *Bernard of Clairvaux
against doing the Jews physical harm also helped to restrain the
masses. Thus a repetition of the earlier terrorization and slaughter
did not take place.
Between the second Crusade and the beginning of the 13th century the
Jews were subjected to numerous attacks and libels but relatively few
lost their lives as a result.
[[To the contrary the Jews in Palestine suffered incredibly every time
when "Christian" Crusaders arrived in Palestine. The Jewish population
in Palestine was totally eliminated]].
SPIRITUAL LIFE.
[New prayers after the first
crusade after 1096]
The events of 1096 had shaken German Jewry to the core; its response
came in the form of tremendous spiritual and social creativity.
Succeeding generations glorified the deeds of the martyrs and created a
whole doctrine around the sanctification of God by martyrdom (
kiddush ha-Shem). The ideas of
self-sacrifice,
*akedah, of
choosing to meet "the Great Light" rather than apostasy, and of
standing up to the attacker, were now formulated and transmitted as
permanent principles. A (col. 463)
special blessing was inserted into the prayer book to be recited by
those who were about to be slain. The martyrs of Xanten had their own
prayer:
"May the Almighty avenge the blood of His servants which has been shed,
and will be shed after us, in the days of those who survive us and
before their very eyes: may the Almighty save us from men of evil, from
destruction and idolatry and from the impurity of the gentiles" (A.M.
Habermann, op. cit. [[A. M. Habermann (ed.),
Gezerot Ashkenaz ve-Zarefat (Ẓarefat) (1945)]]
49).
This prayer expresses the general mood of the German Jews in this
period and of the "leaders in martyrdom" in particular.
[Hasidism, pious Jewish men with
new rules]
In the 12th and 13th centuries a group known as Hasidim [[Ḥasidim]]
(pious men) came into being, distinguished by their piety in thought
and deed (see *Hasidei (Ḥasidei) Ashkenaz). The way of life to which
this group adhered was established, in the main, by the members of a
single family: *Samuel b. Kalonymos he-Hasid (Ḥasid) of Speyer, his
son *Judah b. Samuel he-Hasid (Ḥasid) of Regensburg, and their relative
*Eleazar b. Judah (ha-Roke'ah (Roke'aḥ) of Worms.
These formulated the principles of perfect piety: observance of
"Heavenly Law" (
din shamayim)
which which is above and beyond the "Law of the Torah", for the latter
was given to man taking into account his
yezer (yeẓer) ha-ra ("evil urge").
They taught that one should regard property as being held on trust
(from God) only, and that one should abstain from lust without retiring
from family and public life.
Sefer
Hasidim (Ḥasidim) and Sefer ha-Roke'ah (Roke'aḥ), two works
written by these men, express the feelings and ideas of the Hasidim
(Ḥasidim) of Germany on the greatness of God, on man's conduct in life,
on ghosts and spirits, on sexual temptation and how to withstand it, on
the true observance of commandments, and on love of learning as a
foremost religious value. (col. 464)
SOCIAL LIFE
[Creation of Jewish quarters with
walls for safety - intense social and religious life]
During this period further consolidation of the Jewish communal
leadership in Germany took place. Jews increasingly restricted
themselves to the Jewish quarter in the town, which gave them a greater
feeling of security and made possible the development of an intense
social life. The
meliores
(leading families) accepted the authority of the most eminent scholars.
Torah learning was not interrupted in times of trouble and danger. It
even received additional impetus from the need to provide leadership
for the Jewish public and guidance to the individual, while the number
of outstanding scholars also increased. Even the source of livelihood
that was forced upon the Jews - lending money against interest - came
to be appreciated as an advantage since it left time to spare for Torah
study.
[Money business as main source -
community structures]
Money lending also determined the artificial structure of Jewish life;
the Jews derived their income mainly from non-Jews, and there was
hardly any economic exploitation of one Jews by another. As a result,
there was a large measure of social cohesion in the German communities.
The average community maintained a synagogue, a cemetery (or, if it was
too small, obtained burial rights in a neighboring town), a bathhouse,
and a place for weddings and other public festivities. A scholar
attracted groups of students who lived in his home and were cared for
by the scholar's wife (A.M. Habermann, op. cit., 165-6). Meir b. Baruch
of Rothenburg attests that his house was spacious and included "a bet
midrash ... a winter house [i.e. the main living quarters] ... a
courtyard for public use ... a cool upper room where I eat in summer
and
... a room ... for each student" (Responsa, ed. Cremona, no.. 108).
[[...]]
In the 12th century the Jews still took part in the defense of the
towns in which they lived. Eleazar b. Judah tells of "the siege of
Worms by a great host on the Sabbath, when we permitted all the Jews to
take up arms ... for if they had not helped the townspeople they would
have been killed ... therefore we permitted it" (
Sefer ha-Roke'ah (Roke'aḥ)
(Cremona, 1557), 23a,
Hilkhot Eruvin,
no. 197).
[New Jewish communities in eastern
Europe]
In this period, Jews also moved with the eastward trend of the
population, and new Jewish communities were established in the east and
southeast. Those who joined in the movement of the urban population
eastward encountered the terrors and problems of new colonists:
"When you build houses in the forest you find the inhabitants stricken
with plague since the place is haunted by spirits ... They asked the
sage what they should do; he answered: Take the Ten Commandments and a
Torah Scroll and stretch out a cord the length or the ground, and bring
the Torah Scroll to the cord ... and then at the end say: 'Before God,
before the Torah, and before Israel its guardians, may no demon nor
she-demon come to this (col. 466)
place from today and for ever' " (Sefer Hasidim (Ḥasidim) (ed.
Wistinetzki, no. 371).
13TH CENTURY (col. 467)

Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971):
Germany, vol. 7, col. 463-464. Map of the major medieval Jewish
communities in Germany in the 13th century: Koenigsberg, Emden,
Oldenburg, Bremen, Lueneburg, Osnabrueck, Hanover, Berlin, Frankfort on
the Oder, Schwienitz, Magdeburg, Zerbst, Halberstadt, Hildesheim,
Hameln, Muenster, Anhalt, Xanten, Bochum, Duesburg, Paderborn,
Goettingen, Nordhausen, Halle on the Saale, Cottbus, Glogau, Breslau,
Goerlitz, Dresden, Leipzig, Merseburg, Muehlhausen, Erfurt, Arnstadt,
Marburg on the Lahn, Cologne, Aachen, Bonn, Ahrweiler, Andernach,
Coblenz, Bingen, Mainz, Wiesbaden, Roedelheim, Frankfort on the Main,
Friedberg, Limburg, Wetzlar, Fulda, Kissingen, Hanau, Offenbach,
Aschaffenburg, Oppenheim, Trier, Kreuznach, Schweinfurt, Bamberg,
Wuerzburg, Heidingsfeld, Kitzingen, Worms, Weinheim, Kaiserlslautern,
Speyer, Heidelberg, Bruchsal, Heilbronn, Ettlingen, Pforzheim,
Baden-Baden, Stuttgart, Tuebingen, Freiburg, Ensisheim, Constance,
Lindau, Ulm, Memmingen, Augsburg, Munich, Regensburg, Deggendorf, Linz,
Vienna, Graz, Ansbach, Sulzbach, Amberg, and Prague
|
[Discrimination laws by Lateran
Council of the Church: badge - blood libels and taxes]
The 13th century brought new troubles upon the Jews. The Fourth
*Lateran
Council (1215) [[by the criminal anti-Jewish Church]] decreed that the
clergy were to restrict business relations between Christians and Jews,
that Jews had to wear signs distinguishing them from the Christians
(see *
badge),
and that they were not to hold any public office.
[[There were also laws that Jews had to wear special clothes and
special pointed and colored hats]].
In 1235 the first case of *blood libel occurred in Germany (in *Fulda)
and in the second half of the 13th century the libel of *Host
desecration began to spread in the country. These accusations were to
cost many Jewish lives, to cause Jews much anxiety and anguish, and to
bring about further deterioration of their image in the eyes of their
Christian neighbors, who now came to regard them as corrupt beings,
capable of the most abominable crimes.
The acceptance of such views of the Jews by the masses occurred at a
time when imperial rule was weakening, and the right to the Jews'
"servitude to the treasury" was passed on or transferred in different
ways and for differing reasons to various local competencies. Religious
fanaticism was rising [[provoked by criminal preaching "Christian"
priests etc. of the criminal Church]] and caused a social ferment in
the cities, where the mob vented their anger on the Jews.
In 1241, when the Jews of *Frankfort on the Main tried to prevent one
of their people from converting to Christianity, a
Judenschlacht (Jews' slaughter)
took place, in which the entire community was butchered by the
Christian mob. In 1259 a synod of the Mainz archdiocese ordered that
Jews within its borders should wear the yellow badge. In 1285 the
entire Jewish community of *Munich - some 180 persons - was burned to
death, victims of a libel that had been spread against them.
The Jews also had a heavy tax burden. A partial list of imperial
revenue, dating from 1241, reveals that in 25 Jewish communities the
Jews paid 857 marks, amounting to 12% of the entire imperial tax
revenue for the year (7,127.5 marks) and 20% of the total raised in the
German cities. In addition to the regular taxes the Jews also had to
make payments in the form of "presents" and bribes, (col. 467)
or money was simply extorted from them.
[Cultural and social life: The basic Jewish
law (takkanot) - leading role
of Speyer, Worms, and Mainz]
In this period - the second half of the 13th century - German Jewry
produced great spiritual leaders. (col. 468)
Community institutions developed. The community leaders and scholars -
in gatherings on fair-days - issued
takkanot
regulating [[major legislative enactment within halakha (Jewish law)]]
many spheres of life which were binding upon individual communities or
groups of several communities.
In the 13th century, *Eliezer b. Joel ha-Levi of Bonn established the
principle that a majority decision also obligated the opposing
minority, and unanimity was not required (contradicting the
12th-century French scholar Jacob b. Meir *Tam). Communal offices which
had come into existence in the 12th and 13th centuries are listed in a
document issued by the Cologne community in 1301: Nos Episcopus,
magistratus Judeorum ac universi Judei civitatis Coloniensis ("We the
bishop [i.e., the leader], and officers of the Jews and the entire
Jewish community of Cologne"; see
Judenschreinsbuch,
92-93).
From 1220 onward, the
"Takkanot Shum",
regulations issued by three of the great communities on the Rhine -
Speyer, Worms, and Mainz
[[...]] - have been preserved; joint meeting
of the leaders of these three communities had a decisive influence on
all the Jewish communities in Germany. (col. 465)
German Jewry developed an independent leadership with a series of
honors and degrees of rank. The intimacy of the small community
enabled a person who felt wronged to turn to the public by means of
interruption of prayer (see
*bittul
ha-tamid)
in synagogue until he received redress. Families experienced the usual
sorrows and joys, and also had their share of frivolities: "wild young
men ... who liked gambling" (
Sefer
Hasidim (Ḥasidim)), ed. by J. Wistinetzki (1924), no. 109) and
practical jokes at festivities (see also Tos. to Suk. 45a, s.v.
Mi-Yad Tinnokot).
The main purpose of the
takkanot
was to strengthen religious life and especially to provide for
increased study of the Torah, the observance of sexual purity laws, of
the Sabbath, etc. They also introduced innovations designed to
strengthen community life: the obligation on the part of each
individual to pay his tax assessment and to refrain from false
declarations, and the right of the community officers to transfer funds
from one purpose to another, when the common good required it.
Considerable emphasis was put on strengthening the authority of the
community leadership: members of the community were not permitted to
accept appointments by the authorities or to ask the authorities for
exemption from community taxes; every dispute between Jews had to be
brought before Jewish judges, and Jews were not allowed to apply to
non-Jewish courts. Excommunication of an individual required the
consent of the community, as did the divorce of a wife. Gambling was
outlawed and regulations were issued for the preservation of order in
the synagogues and law courts and at public celebrations. Lending money
to Jews against the payment of interest, and insulting anyone in public
were also prohibited. (col. 466)
Foremost was Meir b. Baruch of Rothenburg, whose responsa and
instructions guided several generations of Jews. He attacked
manifestations of injustice or high-handedness in communal affairs, and
in his threnodies and other writings gave expression to the sufferings
of his people. In the end, his own fate symbolized the distress of the
Jews: trying to escape overseas, like other persecuted Jews in
Germany, he was arrested, handed over to the emperor, and died in jail
in 1293. (col. 468)
|
Encyclopaedia
Judaica
(1971): Germany, vol. 7, col. 465. Illustration showing Jews receiving
a charter of privileges from Emperor Henry VII in 1312. From: Codex
Baldvini; Koblenz, Municipal Archives. [[See that the Jews were forced
to wear pointed "Jewish hats", and the horse of the Emperor is staying
in the air]].
|
x
|
Encyclopaedia
Judaica (1971): Germany, vol. 7, col. 468. Woodcut of the
blowing of the shofar in the synagogue, with women and children behind
the screen in the foreground. From J.J. Pfefferkorn: Judenbeichte [[Jewish confession]];
Cologne, 1508
|
PERSECUTIONS OF THE 14TH CENTURY
At the end of the 13th century and the first half of the 14th,
anti-Jewish excesses by the mob increased in vehemence and frequency
[[provoked by criminal preaching "Christian" priests etc. of the
criminal Church]] , and the authorities were also increasingly
oppressive.
[[Defeat of the Crusader states in
Palestine and the harsh consequences in Europe since 1291
The situation of the criminal Church was aggravating in Europe after
the definite defeat in Palestine and after the loss of the last
Crusader state in Palestine since 1291. After this defeat many
alternative "Christian" religious groups in Europe were coming up which
were against the criminal Pope. So the criminal Church under the
criminal Pope became even more criminal now. The Pope let pursue any
alternative "Christian" religious group, organized special wars against
them, and the Jews were also one of the persecuted groups. Inquisition
with stakes was installed. There developed also a Church cult against
the Jews
with anti-Jewish prayers and hatred. At the same time the Jewish
methods of money lending under the Church's ban are never mentioned in
detail, and "Christian" suffering under the pre-capitalist rules is
never mentioned. So, the Pope was playing with the two groups, the
"Christians" and the Jews]].
[14th century: Jewish taxes -
calumniations, pogroms and massacres: Rindfleisch, Armleder, Black
Death
- and coming back]
In 1342 Louis IV of Bavaria decreed that "every male Jew and every
Jewish widow, of 12 years and above, is obliged to pay a yearly tax of
one gulden". This poll tax was designed to increase the income that
the emperor derived from the Jews, which had declined as the result of
their "transfer" to lower authorities, and came in addition to the
other taxes exacted from the Jews. In 1356 Emperor *Charles IV
transferred his claim over the Jews to the Imperial Electors.
Within a period of 50 years the Jews of Germany suffered three
devastating blows. In 1298-99, when civil war had broken out in
southwest Germany, the Jews were accused of Host desecration, and the
Jew-baiter, *Rindfleisch, gathered a mob around him which fell upon the
Jews of Franconia, Bavaria, and the surrounding area, destroying no
less than 140 communities (including *Rothenburg, Wuerzburg,
*Nuremberg, and Bamberg). Many Jews chose a martyr's death and in many
places also offered armed resistance.
The period 1336-37 was marked by the catastrophe of the *Armleder
massacres, in the course of which 110 communities, from Bavaria to
Alsace, were destroyed by rioting peasants.
Finally, in the massacres during the *Black Death, in 1348-50, 300
Jewish communities were (col. 468)
destroyed in all parts of the country, and the Jews either killed, or
driven out as "poisoners of wells".
[[It can be admitted that the big part were on flight to the
countryside]].
The greatest Jewish scholar of the time, *Alexander Suslin ha-Kohen,
was among those slain in Erfurt, in 1349. As a result of these three
onslaughts, the structure of Jewish life in Germany suffered a severe
blow. Nevertheless, only a short while later, Jews were again permitted
to take up residence in German cities, where there was no one else to
fulfill their function in society of moneylenders. Only a few weeks
after the slaughter of the Jews of *Augsburg the bishop permitted some
to return to the city; between 1352 and 1355 Jews reappeared in Erfurt,
Nuremberg, *Ulm, Speyer, Worms, and Trier.
[Anti-Jewish laws after the coming
back - cultural life - route to Poland - no change of the anti-Jewish
habits in the criminal "Christian" Church until Reformation]
Their residence was now based on contracts which contained severe
restrictions and imposed numerous payments on them. There was also
increased exploitation of the Jews by the emperor;a moratorium on
debts, declared by *Wenceslas in 1385 and again in 1390, dealt a severe
blow to the economic situation of the Jews. Jewish vitality, however,
was able to assert itself even in the adverse conditions that prevailed
after the Black Death massacres.
The scholars assured the continuity of Jewish creativity. In 1365,
*Meir b. Baruch ha-Levi established a new school in Vienna, based upon
the customs and traditions of the Rhine communities, and his disciples
- the *Sages of Austria" - became the spiritual leaders of German
Jewry.
In east and south Germany, with fewer towns and a relatively backward
economy, Jews found it easier to earn their livelihood. This was also
the route to *Poland, which gradually turned into a refuge for the
Jews.
Until the Reformation there was no change in the precarious situation
of the Jews of Germany. On the one hand, the disintegration of the
Empire prevented large-scale countrywide expulsions: when the Jews were
driven out of one locality they were able to bide their time in a
neighboring place, and after a short while return to their previous
homes; on the other hand, the lack of a central authority put the
Jews at the mercy of local rulers. In general, the emperor, the
princes, and the leading classes in the towns gave their protection to
the Jews; yet a single fanatic anti-Jewish preacher, John of
*Capistrano, found it possible to inflame the masses against the Jews
and to initiate a new wave of persecutions (1450-59) which culminated
in the expulsion of the Jews from Breslau.
15TH CENTURY
[Expulsions]
The 15th century was generally marked by libels against Jews and their
expulsion from certain areas: in 1400 the Jews were expelled from
Prague; in 1420, 1438, 1462, and 1473 there were successive expulsions
from Mainz; in 1420-21 from Austria; in 1424 from Cologne; in 1440 from
Augsburg; in 1475 the blood libel was raised in Trent, resulting in
anti-Jewish agitation and riots all over Germany, and the expulsion of
the Jews from *Tyrol; in 1492 it was the turn of the Host desecration
libel in *Mecklenburg, and the expulsion of the Jews from there; in
1493 they were driven out of *Magdeburg, and in the period 1450-1500,
out of many towns in Bavaria, Franconia, and Swabia; in 1499 from
Nuremberg; in 1510 there was another Host desecration libel and
expulsion from *Brandenburg; in the same year expulsion from Alsace;
and in 1519 from Regensburg.
[[The coming back of the Jews some years later is mentioned later]].
|
Encyclopaedia
Judaica (1971): Germany, vol. 7, col. 466.
Fifteenth-century woodcut showing the burning of Jewish martyrs. From
Schedel's Weltchronik, 1493 [[See that the Jews were forced to wear
pointed "Jewish hats", and the "Christ" is bringing more wood for the
fire]].
|
x
|
Encyclopaedia
Judaica (1971): Germany, vol. 7, col. 467.
Fifteenth-century woodcut published and widely disseminated in Germany
showing the martyrdom of the Jews of Trent following the blood libel of
1475. [[See that the Jews were forced to wear pointed "Jewish hats",
the "Christ" sets the fire, and other "Christians" are watching the
scene]].
|
[Trade and management besides
money lending - Jews connected with the government in Poland - Jewish
poverty in Germany]
Nevertheless, in the course of the 15th century, amid these
tribulations, Jews were also able to branch out into occupations other
than money lending. In the south German communities, there were Jewish
wine merchants and petty traders. Jews also began to play a role in the
expanding commercial life, acting as intermediaries between the large
agricultural producer (such as the monasteries) and the rising city
merchant; expelled from the cities and forced to live in the small
towns and villages, the Jews bought wool, flax, etc., from the large
storehouses and sold these commodities to the wholesale merchant. This
(col. 469)
was the beginning of a process which culminated in Poland in the 16th
and 17th centuries with the Jews entering the service of the nobility
as managers of their estates. Jewish life in the small communities of
Germany was frequently marked by great material and spiritual hardship.
[Social and cultural life:
festivals - laws - quarrels and disputations of the rabbis in Germany]
Yet the Jews did all in their power to fulfill the commandments of
their faith. Israel *Isserlein's Pesakim
u-Khetavim (Venice, 1545), para. 52, records a "curious event"
in south Germany, when several communities had only a single etrog to share among them on the
Sukkot festival; they cut the fruit up and sent a piece to each
community, and although shriveled by the time it reached its
destination, the Jews made the prescribed blessing over their slice of etrog on the first day of the
festival.
Despite their poverty and sufferings, Jews held on to the normal joys
of life. Jacob Moses *Moellin permitted "placing tree branches in water
on the Sabbath ... in order to provide a source of joy for the house"
(Jacob b. Moses Moellin, Maharil
(Cremona, 1558), 38b); when asked about celebrating a wedding in a
community where a local ordinance forbade the participation of
musicians, the same rabbi advised that the wedding be moved to another
community, where music could be made, rather than have the bride and
bridegroom forego the pleasure (ibid.,
41b).
Even at a time when persecutions were actually taking place, the Jews
persisted in their way of life and in study of the Torah. Thus Moses
*Mintz, while writing a halakhic decision, records that "the time limit
given us by the bishop [of Bamberg] for leaving the town has been
reached, for he would not allow us a single additional day or even
hour" (Resp. Maharam Mintz, para. 48). The rabbis' position became
widely acknowledged in this period, and they were regarded as "the
leaders". It may be assumed that it was Meir b. Baruch ha-Levi's school
that established the custom of semikhah
(rabbinical ordination) and of awarding the title of *Morenu ("our
teacher") to a graduate rabbi, a custom which Ashkenazi Jews have still
retained.
At the same time the rabbis often engaged in bitter quarrels over the
question of jurisdiction, and the position of the rabbi. These quarrels
largely resulted from the difficulties facing the Jewish spiritual
leaders, who tried, in a permanent state of insecurity, to rebuild
communities that had been destroyed. The rabbinical leaders of this
period - Meir b. Baruch ha-Levi and his disciples, Jacob b. Moses
Moellin, Israel Isserlein (author of Terumat
ha-Deshen), Moses Mintz, Israel b. Hayyim (Ḥayyim) *Bruna, and
others - were dedicated men who did all in their power to establish new
yeshivot [[religious Torah schools]] and spread the study of Torah, but
they did not achieve the degree of leadership displayed by their
predecessors.
An extreme example of a scholar devoted to his yeshivah was that of
Jacob b. Moses Moellin "who would (col. 470)
live in a house alone with his students, next to the house of his wife
the 'rabbanit', while her sons were with her in her house; nor did he
enjoy a mite of his wife's property during her lifetime or eat with
her. Only the communal leaders supplied him with sufficient means to
support the students of his yeshivah, while he himself earned a
livelihood as a marriage broker" (Maharil 76a).
His yeshivah was attended not only by poor scholars, but by "those rich
and pampered youths who had tables made for them - when they sat down
in their seats they could turn the table in any direction they pleased,
and kept many books on them" (Leket
Yosher, ed. by J. Freimann (1903), YD 39). The debate with
Christianity did not die down in this period, and Yom Tov Lipmann
*Muelhausen raised it to new heights of sharp polemical argument in his
Sefer ha-Nizzahon (Sefer ha-Niẓẓaḥon) (see *Disputations).
[Tax restrictions]
Emperors resorted to the most extreme measures in order to extort money
from the Jews.
[[The Emperors were directly connected with the criminal "Christian"
church because the second son had to be a clergyman]].
The most extortionate was Sigismund who demanded one-third of their
property. Their desire to increase the income extracted from the Jews
induced the emperors to utilize the high prestige enjoyed by the rabbis
by attempting to appoint one of them "chief rabbi" (Hochmeister). In 1407, Rupert of
Wittelsbach appointed Israel b. Isaac of Nuremberg to this office, and
sought to give him sole powers of sequestering Jewish property.
The communities, however, refused to acknowledge the authority of a Jew
appointed by gentiles and eventually the king abandoned his attempt.
Sigismund named several "chief rabbis" for the purpose of improving the
collection of the oppressive taxes that he imposed upon the Jews,
including well-known rabbinical leaders. It is not clear, however, to
what extent these appointments were recognized by the communities, and
the responsa literature of the period contains no specific references
to such appointments. At any rate, a proposal made by Seligmann
Oppenheim Bin (see *Bingen) to convene a conference which would create
a chief rabbinate was rejected by most of his rabbinical colleagues.
[Summary]
In sum, the last few centuries of the Middle Ages were a period of
severe and difficult changes for the Jews of Germany. The center of
gravity, both in population and intellectual activity, shifted steadily
eastward. From their position as desirable traders the Jews were driven
by the religious and social forces which gained ascendancy in the 12th
and 13th centuries into the despised occupation of usury. The 50 years
from1298 to 1348 took a tragic toll in both life and property.
Throughout the trials and tribulations of the Middle Ages the Jews of
Germany succeeded in preserving their human dignity and ancestral
heritage. They displayed their own creative powers in halakhic
literature and religious poetry, and in the establishment of communal
institutions. Although they did not disdain the innocent joys of life,
they were exacting in the application of the Law and were imbued
with the spirit of ascetic piety.
Kiddush ha-Shem -
martyrdom for the sanctification of God - and their particular pietism
(Hasidut (Ḥasidut) Ashkenaz), in both theory and practice, were
authentic contributions of German Jewry to the realm of supreme Jewish
values. When the age of the Reformation set in, German Jewry, although
of lesser stature than their ancestors on the Rhine in organization,
learning, and religious spirit, was strong enough to stand up to the
challenge of a changing world.
[H.H.B.-S.]> (col. 471)
[[...]]
[More expulsions from cities]
When the Middle Ages came to an end, the Jews had suffered expulsion
from most German cities, as well as from many other dioceses and
localities: (col. 471)
*Heilbronn 1475, *Tuebingen 1477, Bamberg 1478, *Esslingen 1490,
Mecklenburg 1492, Magdeburg 1493, *Reutlingen 1495, Wuerttemberg and
Wuerzburg 1498, Nuremberg and Ulm 1499, *Noerdlingen 1507, the state of
Brandenburg 1510, Regensburg 1519, Rottenburg 1520, and *Saxony 1537.
(col. 472) [[...]]
[[All these expulsions were performed with the authorization of the
criminal Church. The neighbor towns often admitted the Jews as welcome
tax payers and merchants]]:
[Tax struggle - protected
and welcome Jews because they pay taxes]
The Jews were also caught in the struggle between the emperor, on the
one hand, and the princes and cities, on the other. The emperors, whose
power was on the decline, made efforts to retain their control of the
Jews, to protect them against local potentates and to remain the sole
beneficiaries of the taxes paid by the Jews. The opposing forces, bent
upon establishing their independence of the emperor, also tried to
extend their supremacy over the Jews and tax them.
When (col. 472)
attacking the Jews the princes and city governments were not only
motivated by the traditional hatred, but also by their desire to reduce
the emperor's authority and force the Jews to seek protection from them
rather than the emperor. As a result, the Jews were often forced to pay
taxes to two or even three different authorities. This situation,
however, also prevented a general expulsion of the Jews from Germany at
a time when this had become the lot of the Jews in most countries of
Western Europe.
The Jews also became the subject of controversy between the local
rulers and the Estates (Staende) - the nobility, the ruling clergy, and
the privileged townsmen. The latter had the power of levying taxes and
tried to extend their power in various ways, including control of the
Jews. To some degree the persecutions of Jews in the 15th and 16th
centuries, which coincided with a rise in the power of the Estates,
were the result of this struggle; thus, the Host desecration libel
against Jews in Brandenburg, in 1510, was also an expression of the
opposition of the Estates to Elector Joachim I, who had given several
Jews permission to settle in the country, despite the Estates'
objections.
[Welcome Jewish refugees because
they pay taxes and because of their skills in trading]
Other internal differences also affected the situation of the Jews,
such as the antagonism between the princes and the landed gentry, and
the cities. The former would permit Jews who had been expelled from the
cities to settle on their lands, thereby gaining additional taxpayers
who were also skilled merchants able to compete with the hated townsmen
and provide the princes and estate-owners with better and cheaper
supplies. For example, the Jews who had been expelled from Augsburg
were offered refuge in the nearby villages; those who had been driven
out of Nuremberg were permitted to settle in *Fuerth; the Count of
*Oettingen accepted the Jews of Noerdlingen; and the Count of *Hanau
lent his protection to the Portuguese Jews to whom the neighboring
municipality of Frankfort had refused permission to settle. (col. 473)
Jews were prohibited from practicing most occupations. From engaging in
commerce at the beginning of he Middle Ages and in finance at the end,
they now had to earn a livelihood from hawking haberdashery, peddling,
money lending, and pawnbroking in the small towns and villages. Interest
rates were subject to severe regulations, and wearing of the
humiliating badge [[and Jewish clothing and Jewish hat]] was enforced.
In various states Jews were prohibited from building new synagogues and
from holding discussions on religious questions without Church
authorization. However, Emperor *Charles V (at assemblies of the
Reichstag in Augsburg 1530, Regensburg 1541, Speyer 1544, and Augsburg
1548) authorized in full the charters granted to the Jews by previous
emperors.