Racist Zionism 09: Paris and British Mandate 1919-1939
Balfour Declaration of 1917 - Jewish invasion 1919-1939 - Haganah fight against British and Arabs - Paris "peace" conference - anti-Zionism - civil war in Palestine: Arabs and Jews with hard labor punishment - unemployment - White Papers - Weizmann's propaganda tours - political parties of the yishuv - religious groups and Zionist messianism
from: Zionism; In: Encyclopaedia Judaica 1971, vol. 16
presented by Michael Palomino (2008)
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[Balfour Declaration and Jewish invasion 1919-1939 - Palestine civil war of Haganah against British and Arabs]
[[Wild racist Zionist Haganah is fighting a two front war to win territory in Palestine for new racist Jewish settlements against the Arabs and against the racist Empire English administration at the same time. Haganah is occupying territories and installing "overnight settlements" in combination with an immigration wave- The naive Jewish refugees had never heard about Arabs. They were coming from one war (in Europe) into another war (in Palestine), lead by the racist Zionists - with the aim of a Jewish Empire...]]
There was never sufficiently prolonged quiet in Palestine between the two world wars for Jews ever to be able to imagine that they would be safe without their own self-defense. By the late 1930s there was continuing open warfare between the Jewish and Arab communities, in which the British played an ambiguous role, at best, and in which the Jews could largely depend for their safety only on themselves. By this time "*illegal" immigration in the teeth of British restrictions had become a life-and-death matter for those Jews who could escape Europe. The [[racist]] Zionist movement as a whole, in all its factions, and not only the Revisionists, who had left the [[racist]] Zionist Organization because of its lack of militancy, was in a military struggle with both the Arabs and the British.
There had thus evolved a new element which had been implicit in the Zionist ideological vision of a normal nation: an increasingly independent military force, which, however small by international standards, was almost from its beginning a substantial power in the immediate region. The existence of armed strength added further "sovereign" dimensions of Jewish self-liberation to the vision of [[racist]] Zionism.
[[Addition: The events at the Paris "peace" conference without Jewish State and without Arab states - civil war and Herzl booklet since 1919 - anti-Semitic church never mentioned - Paris "peace" conference absolutely failed
The racist Zionists were not given a Jewish State in Paris, and also the Arab delegations did not get one single own state, but the English and the French racist colonial powers got "Mandates" and colonial states. In Palestine it was an English "Mandate" where the restrictions of the Turks were repeated hindering racist Zionist Jewish immigration as much as possible to prevent a civil war between the Jewish and the Arab guerrilla fighters and - since the 1920s - to preserve the relationship to the Arab countries with their oil reserves. It seems that the Jewish Zionist madness was never taken earnest by the big powers in Paris because to be Jewish was never a "nation" but a religion, and the Arabs could accept a Jewish religious center in Palestine, but never a "Jewish State" at the main cross between Muslim Asia and Muslim Africa driving the Arabs away and enslaving them as it is prescribed in Herzl's booklet "The Jewish State". But as the Arabs also were colonized by the British and the French racist colonial powers any free discussion was suppressed. England and France needed the colonies to pay their war depths to the "USA". The main anti-Semitic force - the criminal "Christian" church - was never mentioned in Paris and is never mentioned in this article. Much anti-Semitism would never have been occurred in the world when the Bible would have been corrected from their anti-Semitism phrases against the Jews, when the Talmud had been corrected from it's racist phrases against all other religions, and when the rites of the criminal anti-Semitic "Christian" church would have been changed since 1919 already and not only in the 1960s according to the Human Rights, and perhaps also some rites in the synagogues should be changed. So, concerning the Jews in the world, the peace conference of Paris of 1919 had absolutely failed...]]
POST-WAR CONSENSUS AND DIFFERENTIATION
[Jewish factions at the "peace" conference of Paris: assimilated Jews, racist Zionist Jews, Jews from eastern Europe - the definition as a "national minority" - Jews become "foreigners" and enemies]
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971), Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1050: Letter from Emir Feisal, head of the Arab delegation at the Paris Peace Conference to Herbert Samuel, Nov. 23, 1919, expressing his positive attitude toward [[racist]] Zionism. Jerusalem, Central Zionist Archives.
[[At the end of the "peace" conference both - the Jews and the Arabs - were forbidden any national sate by the racist colonial "democratic" powers England and France...]]
As World War I ended, the major arena of [[racist]] Zionist activity was, however, not in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] but in Paris, where the victors were meeting in 1919 to define the terms of peace. A variety of Jewish groups were officially in the lobbies of this conference. The most assimilated elements from France, England, and the United States would, for the most part, have preferred that the Jewish position at the Peace Conference be simply the demand for full individual liberty in all the states that were then being created in Central and eastern Europe.
The "Western" Jews were projecting the image of what they hoped was and would remain their own status, that of Frenchmen, Englishmen, or Americans who differed from others only in their private adherence to a differing religious faith.
The [[racist]] Zionists, headed by Weizmann and Sokolow, came to Versailles to make sure that the intent of the Balfour Declaration (as they hopefully understood it to mean: an act pointing to the creation in measurable time of Jewish political independence in Palestine) would be incorporated in the peace arrangements.
The delegates from eastern Europe were mostly interested in insisting that such new states as Poland and Lithuania, and all the rest, be made to pledge the most solemn guarantees for the rights of national minorities within their borders.
For Jews this meant self-definition as a national minority, parallel, for example, to the Ukrainians in Poland, with
-- the right to conduct educational institutions with public money in their own national language, be it Yiddish or Hebrew;
-- the right to self-governing community councils with status before the law;
-- and, most sensitively, the right to appeal to the international community, which was seen to be represented by the League of Nations, over the head of the national government, if minority rights were violated.
[[Now the world community took the false track of a "Jewish nationality" and helped the blind Zionist Jews into the national war trap in Palestine. The criminal anti-Semitic church was not mentioned and never had to correct the criminal racist Bible...]]
There was internal struggle among these various parties (col. 1051)
in Paris. Out of their interaction there, and largely through the leadership of Louis Marshall, a kind of consensus was achieved which became the actual premise for all Jewish political life in the next decades, the interwar years. It was agreed that all would stand together for the minority rights of Jews in those countries in which the local Jewish population desired such a formulation of its identity. In practice this meant that the Jews of eastern and Central Europe were publicly defined in new international arrangements as a separate people; for the [[racist]] Zionists this definition meant the possibility of struggling effectively within these Jewish national institutions to orient educational endeavors toward the new Hebraic culture and to prepare the hearts of the people to realize that only in complete national concentration in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] could there be a Jewish future.
[Anti-Zionism: Orthodox and left Jewish parties against racist Zionism]
Throughout the 1920s and 1930s various other factions were in combat with the [[racist]] Zionists within these new structures of the Jewish community. There was ongoing friction with assimilationist opinion, but this trend never achieved importance in the inner life of the East European Jewish communities outside the Soviet Union. The more serious battles were with the religiously orthodox, who were by then organized to a great degree around *Agudat Israel; this party found [[racist]] Zionism to be too secular.
As a counterforce to these views the Orthodox wing of the [[racist]] Zionist movement itself, the Mizrachi, achieved particular importance during these years; it represented the possibility of a synthesis between the new national ideal of self-realization in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel], through cooperation even with nonbelievers who were laboring in the [[racist]] Zionist cause, and preserving and even refreshing traditional Judaism.
The enemies of [[racist]] Zionism on the left were even more serious, because both the Jewish Socialist Bund and the Jewish elements within the mostly illegal Communist Party, in Poland and in several other adjacent countries, had substantial followings. The [[racist]] Zionists countered these visions of a new, revolutionary era by insisting, especially through their own socialist wing, that the new socialist society would have to be formed by the remaking of individual national societies and that, at least in the case of the Jews, rampant anti-Semitism, which had culminated in the mass slaughter of the Ukrainian pogroms in the post-revolutionary period and became a bitter reality in independent Poland, required that, whatever be the nature of the internal life of a Jewish independent society, the solution to the Jewish problem had to take a [[racist]] Zionist form. Several varieties of [[racist]] Zionist Socialism had been defined in the 1920s, ranging from moderate social democracy to the ultimately Marxist pro-communism of Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir (ha-Ẓa'ir).
[[The groups against racist Zionism saw the problems of the eternal war in Palestine against the Arabs. They saw the eternal war trap in the Middle East coming with huge Arab anti-Semitism, and they saw that there was no future in a desert...]]
Almost every one of these versions of [[racist]] Zionism, except for the most radical communist option, had existed as a school of thought and even as an organization, in some form, before world War I. However, these parties came to serious maturity in their encounter with the postwar realities: the internal struggles of East European Jewry and, of growing and soon of predominant importance, the battle for the definition of the life and character of the yishuv [[Jews in Palestine before racist Herzl Israel foundation, before 1948]], the [[racist]] Zionist settlement in Palestine, as it increased tenfold, from roughly 60,000 in 1919 to 600,000, in the 1940s.> (col. 1052)
<WORDS AND DEEDS
[Balfour Declaration: promises of the racist governments for Jewish settlement in Palestine of 1917]
The impact of the Balfour Declaration on Jewish public opinion [[which was more and more steered by the racist Zionists]] was immediate, and enthusiasm spontaneous. In many lands there were huge demonstrations and processions displaying the [[racist Empire]] Union Jack side by side with the [[racist]] Zionist flag. But the Jews in [[racist kaiser]] Germany and [[racist kaiser]] Austria could only celebrate between four walls, and in Russia there were by then large areas under Bolshevik rule or in a state of flux where open identification with an "imperialist power" became imprudent.
If one of the purposes of the declaration had been to influence developments in [[communist Gulag]] Russia, it came too late, even assuming that Jewish opinion could have had any significant influence amid the political storms that were raging there. On the other side of the trenches, in [[racist kaiser]] Germany and Turkey, the semi-official reactions were unexpectedly mild. The German Foreign Ministry was unmoved; [[racist]] Zionist efforts in Berlin to obtain a similar declaration were rebuffed. But in December 1917, Talaat Pasha, one of the Turkish ruling triumvirate, told a [[racist]] Zionist correspondent of a prominent German newspaper that Turkey was favorably disposed to [[racist]] Jewish settlement in Palestine, that existing restrictions would be removed, and immigration would be free within the "limits of the country's absorptive capacity", and that Jews will have the right to free economic and cultural development and to local self-government in the framework of Turkish laws. After the publication of the interview, Jewish and [[racist]] Zionist representatives were called to the Foreign Office in Berlin and an undersecretary told them that his government welcomed Talaat's statement.
The general military situation at the time had not yet been viewed by the Central Powers as hopeless. Even Turkey was far from giving up the struggle, in spite of the [[racist Empire]] British advance in Palestine, which caused, inter alia, the removal of Jamal Pasha (September 1917), but not before he hanged a number of Arab nationalists in Damascus. Turkey was pinning its hopes on a Russian withdrawal from the war, chances of a separate peace or, at least, a relatively lenient treatment at a future peace conference.
[Collapse of the Central Powers in 1918 - no promises for Jewish settlement in Palestine left - racist Zionist Commission]
But 1918 brought the series of events that left no more illusions. Bulgaria collapsed at the end of September. A few days later came the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Turkey capitulated on October 20, and [[racist kaiser]] Germany herself, her power broken on the western front and her people rebelling [[German Communists - mostly intellectual Jews - were organizing an ammunition strike so the German troops were left without ammunition]], deposed the [[racist]]kaiser and signed an armistice on November 11. (col. 1080)
Months before this denouement, the new [[racist]] Zionist leadership headed by [[racist]] Weizmann took the first steps toward the implementation of the Balfour Declaration. A *Zionist Commission for Palestine had been formed, including representatives from [[racist Empire]] Britain, [[criminal racist]] America, [[racist colonial]] France, and [[racist colonial]] Italy, and started out for Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]]. Two representatives from [[communist Gulag]] Russia were elected, but their departure had been postponed. Before leaving, [[racist]] Weizmann was received by King George V. There were high hopes but few illusions. It had been difficult to obtain the international promise; turning it into a reality was bound to be much more difficult. The Turks were out; the Arabs felt immeasurably stronger; the British military administration was totally indifferent and often openly hostile. The Jewish people as a whole had been greatly weakened by the war. Russian Jews were among the chief victims of the internal chaos that followed the October Revolution and of the civil war that was beginning to engulf most of Russia. Polish Jewry was in dire need of help. American Jews saw their most urgent task in rushing aid to eastern Europe [[see: Joint]].
[Racist Zionist Commission in Palestine without success - self-defense in 1920 - Arabs and racist Zionist Jews with hard labor punishment]
The arrival of the [[racist]] Zionist Commission in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] in April 1918 opened three decades of incessant struggle. The commission's immediate task was to help in restoring the impoverished yishuv [[Jewish population in Palestine before 1948]] and preparing the conditions for future immigration. The almost totally negative attitude of the military authorities was a major obstacle, and it also impeded understanding with the Arabs.
Contacts were established with Emir Feisal, about to become king of Syria. [[Racist]] Weizmann's talks with him, first in Akaba and later in London and Paris, led to the signing of an agreement in January 1919 with Colonel T. E. *Lawrence acting as intermediary. But Faisal's hopes to remain in Syria had been frustrated. The [[racist colonial]] French forced him to flee Damascus in 1920, and though he was compensated by the [[racist Empire]] British, who secured his election as king of Iraq, his understanding with the [[racist]] Zionists remained a dead letter. The stormy events in the Arab world were bound to involve Palestine, to where they were soon directed - partly made to be directed - against the Jews.
[[Arab nationals had been refused any national state at the "peace conference" of Paris of 1919 - as any "Jewish State" was refused]].
For the first time attacks were organized on a large scale. In the spring of 1920, Trumpeldor and seven others fell while defending Tel Hai (Ḥai) in Upper Galilee. Within a few weeks Arab rioting in Jerusalem claimed further victims. Some of the organizers were sentenced to years of hard labor. For the sake of evenhandedness, Jabotinsky and members of the Jewish self-defense received similar treatment. Moreover, official explanations published by the [[racist Empire]] British authorities made the Balfour Declaration look like a scrap of paper. The political pattern then established was to last until the end of [[racist Empire]] British rule in the country.
[[The main point about the Balfour Declaration is that it was promised a "Jewish home" - and never a "Jewish State" or a "Jew State" as racist Herzl had written. But Jewish racist Zionists insisted in a "Jewish State" (Jew State) and used for their aims the Balfour Declaration which only promised a "Jewish home". And the international press - as it seems - did never analyze this point]].
Elsewhere on the political front things looked somewhat less dismal. [[Racist]] Zionist leaders had been given an opportunity personally to present their case at the Paris Peace Conference. They also had a say in the lengthy process of drafting the League of Nation's Mandate for Palestine, even if many of their proposals had not been accepted.> (col. 1081)
[High commissioner Sir Herbert Samuel - civilian administration - racist Zionist leaders conference - unemployment in the Palestine Mandate]
<The Mandate itself had been entrusted to [[racist Empire]] Britain at San Remo in 1920, although some British leaders wanted it to be taken on by a more than reluctant America. On June 30, 1920, Sir Herbert Samuel arrived in Palestine as its first high commissioner, with every goodwill to serve the people of Palestine as a whole, the Jewish National Home, and [[racist Empire]] British interests.
[[The British "interests" since the 1920s were more and more the oil interests with the Arabs. And the term "Jewish National Home" was never discussed precisely, as it seems, because a "Jewish State" would provoke automatically a big Arab anti-Semitism...]]
While he was taking the initial steps in establishing a civilian administration, [[racist]] Zionist leaders met in London for their first postwar conference, and the internal difficulties which dogged the movement from its early days again came to the surface. Instead of "political" and "practical" Zionists, it was "east" and "west" this time, symbolized to a great extent by two names: [[racist Zionist]] Weizmann and [[racist Zionist]] Brandeis.
The former wanted a comprehensive program of (col. 1081)
action embracing political, economic, and cultural matters. His opponents viewed the political chapter as closed with the attainment of international recognition and approval of the Mandate; henceforth efforts were to be concentrated on economics, and particularly on fostering private enterprise. Those in [[racist Zionist]] Weizmann's camp proposed the establishment of a large foundation fund - Keren Hayesod - for the upbuilding of the National Home and for the encouragement of private initiative. The "Brandeisists" opposed it. There was a widespread feeling that unless Jewry put to good use the opportunities created by the wartime achievements, they might be irretrievably lost. But the general situation did not work in [[racist]] Zionism's favor, regardless of trend. The strongest appeals addressed to world Jewry evoked only a faint echo. The funds raised were miserably inadequate. Even the limited number of immigrants could not find immediate employment, and crisis chased crisis. (col. 1082)
[Arab riots - White Papers - Arab nationalists want Arab government in Palestine - racist Zionist leaders shifting - racist Zionist Executive in Jerusalem]
These difficulties opened new opportunities before the opposing side. Samuel's efforts to placate the Arabs were rebuffed. Winston *Churchill's efforts as head of the Colonial Office to do the same by making Feisal king of Iraq and Abdullah emir of eastern Palestine (called Transjordan) were the "Jewish clauses" of the Mandate were not to be applied, fared no better. Less than a year after Samuel's arrival, the country was shaken by the worst outbreak of Arab rioting yet seen there. Its political repercussions led to the publication (in June 1922) of the first of the series of White Papers (see *Palestine White Papers) which undermined the foundations of what was intended to be the Jewish National Home. No concession, however, satisfied the Arab political leadership, which sought to stop all [[racist Zionist]] Jewish immigration and take over the government of the country through institutions with an Arab majority or by other means.
This general erosion gave rise to great discontent within the [[racist]] Zionist movement. [[Racist Zionist leader]] Weizmann was accused of not being strong enough in his dealings with the Mandatory government since he constantly insisted on Jewish-British relations based on mutual trust. Others accused him of extending too much support to the [[racist]] Zionist labor movement and to unsound economic policies. One of the opposition groups was led by Jabotinsky, who had been brought into the Executive in 1921 but resigned in 1923. Moreover, Brandeis laid down his post as honorary president of the [[racist]] Zionist Organization (June 1921), thus bringing U.S. Zionists into disarray for a number of years.
For different reasons, Ussishkin was also soon to leave the chairmanship of the [[racist]] Zionist Executive in Jerusalem (which replaced the [[racist]] Zionist Commission). Even before that, there were changes in its Political Department whose first chief, Commander *Bianchini (Italian Jewry's representative on the commission) had been killed by Bedouin in an attack on a train near the Syrian border. His successor, M.D. *Eder (a former territorialist) returned to London in 1922, and [[racist Zionist leader]] Weizmann sent to Jerusalem a career officer with diplomatic experience, Lt. Col. F.H. *Kisch, who was to remain at his post for nine difficult years.
[Weizmann's national Jewish propaganda for the manipulation of the non-Zionist Jews]
Seeking to break the vicious circle of economic predicaments and political setbacks, [[racist Zionist leader]] Weizmann and his colleagues decided to open a new page by bringing into the national effort important non-Zionist elements in Jewry. The idea encountered strong opposition, mainly among those already opposed to [[racist Zionist leader]] Weizmann.> (col. 1082)
[Organization and structure of the racist Zionist Jews in Palestine 1919-1939]
<In the interwar period a fully developed form of Jewish communal autonomy and self-government existed there, legally, in the *Keneset Yisrael with its executive body, the Va'ad Le'ummi, which was confirmed by the British Mandate Government and, extra-legally, in the internal discipline and cohesiveness of the Jews in the country. An even more important political process involved these very forces, both in the yishuv and among the Jewish masses of eastern Europe, in their interaction in the World Zionist Organization.
The League of Nations' Mandate for Palestine (col. 1052)
stipulated that an appropriate "*Jewish agency" cooperate by right with the British authorities in the upbuilding of the Jewish national home, and the [[racist]] Zionist Organization, though obliged to seek the cooperation of non-Zionist Jews as well, was recognized as such an "agency". The most poignant problem during most of those years was the question of Jewish immigration, which was always strictly limited by the British in reaction to Arab opposition and violent outbursts.
[[These outbursts were the normal reaction against the racist Jewish invasion...]]
[Struggle for immigration tickets - racist Jewish Zionist political parties in Palestine: left Histadrut - Socialists - middle class - militant Revisionists]
The World Zionist Organization exercised effective control over the distribution of "certificates", that is, entry permits for new immigrants, up to the number permitted in any one year by the British. Howe these permits were divided in the Diaspora became a cause for impassioned struggle, both among the various [[racist]] Zionist factions which accepted the discipline of the world body and especially with the Revisionists, who regarded themselves as discriminated against. (This militant group eventually broke away, mainly for political reasons, and declared its [[racist]] Zionist independence in 1935).
The basic solution was an agreement to operate by the "party key", which meant that "certificates" were distributed on the basis of the respective strengths of the various parties in the world Zionist movement and especially in the nascent yishuv [[Jews in Palestine before racist Herzl Israel foundation, before 1948]]. The result was that the political composition of the Jewish community in Palestine remained remarkably stable despite the growth of its proportions. This party influence on immigration was part of a picture in which many of those who came, especially after 1933 in flight from Hitler [[and his collaborators]] - even though they were admitted as individuals and not as the holders of certificates - had also to find their way within a community which was dominated by parties, Kibbutzim, banks, educational facilities from university down to elementary school jobs in the administration and many other things besides were controlled or influenced by parties, which tended to be complete Jewish societies living side by side, each one involving most of the elements of human life, almost from the cradle to the grave.
There were parties even before 1914, but in the 1920s the internal life of the Jewish community in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] had crystallized into the political parties, which largely exist to the present day. The forces which were contending over the nature of the new society were divided into three broad groups. The most powerful were the several kinds of [[racist]] Socialist Zionists, with their roots in the Second Aliyah, in the kibbutz movement, and in the labor unions, which had together formed the overarching organization of all the Jewish workers in Israel (later including Arabs also), known as the Histadrut. These forces strove for a socialist, economically egalitarian, secularist Jewish society.
The central sector of the developing Jewish community consisted of middle-class elements. In part, and especially in the case of the first refugees to come from Germany after 1933, these forces consisted of people who arrived with some property. Not all those who came from eastern Europe wanted to be pioneers in kibbutzim. Some had been accustomed to a middle-class, urban way of life and they wanted to live that way in the new environment. This middle-class group contained many General [[racist]] Zionists allied to the anti-Socialist Revisionists. On doctrinaire grounds they insisted with vehemence that the very future of the Jewish settlement depended on the releasing of the energies of free enterprise.
There was one wing of General [[racist]] Zionists who refused to identify, both in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] and outside it, with any specific middle-class program in the country and who followed the lead of Chaim Weizmann, in particular, in accepting economic and cultural support for the labor sector as well as for private enterprise. But another wing of the General [[racist]] Zionists clung to a more partisan view, so that a continuing battle was fought between Socialist [[racist]] Zionism and the middle-class groups. The tension was often (col. 1053)
sufficiently great for bitter accusations to be hurled. Such leaders as David Ben-Gurion, in his role as secretary general of the Histadrut, spoke for the Socialists in accusing the [[racist Zionist]] Revisionists of being "Fascists"; the partisans of Jabotinsky replied by charging that the Socialist [[racist]] Zionists were using their power not for the good of all but to increase their own political and organizational dominance.
[Struggle for religion in British Mandate: religious racist Zionist movement Mizrachi - labor wing Ha-Po'el ha-Mizrachi with own kibbutzim - racist Zionist Orthodox groups with rabbi Kook - Orthodox messianism in British Mandate]
Parallel with this quarrel there was continuing tension over the issue of religion. There had been Orthodox Jews of the old yishuv in some numbers in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] before the new [[racist]] Zionist immigration began, but the earliest arrivals after 1900 were in their overwhelming majority Socialist and secularist, and many of them were anti-religious in a doctrinaire way. The religious [[racist]] Zionist movement, Mizrachi, had indeed been founded in the early years of the century and it had existed as a trend even before, but its direct presence and influence on the life of the new Jewish community in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] began to be felt only after World War I. By then a labor wing of the religious party, the Ha-Po'el ha-Mizrachi, had arisen, and it proceeded to create its own kibbutz movement.
Many of the middle-class immigrants who were arriving in the 1920s and 1930s were personally Orthodox, and they could not imagine a Jewish presence in the land with did not exemplify the values and practices of the religious tradition. Religious Jewry was led by the Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi, Abraham Isaac *Kook until his death in 1935, who, though he was himself beyond party, was regarded as the spiritual voice and teacher of all religious Jews who accepted a [[racist]] Zionist vision. For Kook the new settlement in the Land of Israel was the "beginning of the redemption". Both his temperament and outlook were broad enough to embrace even the most partisan secularist as an instrument of the divine purpose. Those who followed him could accept such a notion in theory. In practice they were dedicated to the building of an institutions power base for religious Jews, so that they could compete as equals with the other groups and provide equal opportunity in the new country for those who shared the Orthodox religious faith.
This body of opinion was deeply concerned that the total temper of the Jewish community should not be secularized. They did not want to become a religious ghetto in a non-religious Jewish society, and they believed that it was their duty to bring religion even to those who opposed it. Orthodox Jews in Palestine joined the battle, immediately after the beginning of the British Mandate government, for the ever wider influence of traditional Jewish practice on the life and the law of the yishuv. The struggle between the Socialist and the middle-class elements in Israel's society [[in Palestine since the British Mandate up to the 1970s]] has been muted in the generation of statehood, for a mixed economy now prevails. The conflict over religion and its relationship to public life has, if anything, become sharper within the sovereign parliamentary life of the Jewish state. (col. 1054)
[[Could one imagine that this racist Zionist movement would not provoke Arab resistance?]]
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Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1051-1052
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1053-1054
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1079-1080
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1081-1082
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