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Encyclopaedia Judaica

Racist Zionism 11: State's theories and facts in Palestine 1936-1939

Two states theory of Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir - Arab leaders missing - English quotas - two states theory of the Peel commission of 1936 - Arabs against any partition of Palestine - Husseini group fighting the Jewish invasion - Palestine Commission against a Jewish state in 1938 - White Papers of 1939 - racist Zionist Jewish terror groups in Palestine - racist Zionist "US" government and help for Hitler's war machinery - emigration to other countries

from: Zionism; In: Encyclopaedia Judaica 1971, vol. 16

presented by Michael Palomino (2008)

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[[Arabs never accept two states theories
Any two states theory was rejected by the Arabs because this would be the begin of a Jewish Empire to enslave the Arabs as it was prescribed in the racist Herzl booklet "The Jewish State". It seems strange that the racist Empire English government did not see this and never put this racist Herzl booklet on the table of negotiations as the reason of all the trouble in Palestine they had]].

[Two states theory of Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir - Berit Shalom program of Magnes and Buber]

Among one group on the extreme left, the Marxist Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir (ha-Ẓa'ir), a bi-national state of (col. 1056)

absolute parity between Jews and Arabs was defined as its version of the political purpose of [[racist]] Zionism as a whole. A handful of Jewish pacifists of high station, led by such figures as Judah L. Magnes and Martin Buber, formed the *Berit Shalom program in the 1930s; they were willing to go even further than Ha-Shomer ha-Za'ir (ha-Ẓa'ir) in placating Arab fears for the sake of peace, but even they, like all the other Jewish groups or leaders (including Ben-Gurion), could find no Arab representatives of rank and power with whom to come to terms [[because Arab countries were colonized by French and British racist governments]].

Jewish misery was growing constantly in Europe and the need for mass immigration was ever greater.

[[As long as Zionists define Jewry as a "nation" they will be attacked by other "nations"...]]

[European anti-Semitism - Arab anti-Semitism - English quotas of immigration]

No [[racist]] Zionist group (and, for that matter, after the appearance of Hitler, no responsible non-Zionist body) could accept the halting of the growth of the yishuv [[Jews in Palestine before Herzl Israel foundation, before 1948]] even if it meant open hostility with the Arabs, and that is what it indeed meant by the mid-1930s and for the rest of the decade. Jews required freedom of immigration; Arabs demanded its absolute end. The British floundered in the middle, issuing "white papers" and setting draconian quotas on future Jewish arrivals. The situation could not last for all the positions were irreconcilable.

Throughout the years of the British Mandate of Palestine the [[racist "democratic"]] government in London appointed a whole series of commission, whenever conflict between Jews and Arabs broke out into open violence, in the vain quest of finding some acceptable compromise. Such efforts became more frequent in the 1930's, when the basic Jewish demand was, as it had to be, mass immigration which could not ever be restricted by Arab veto.

[[Here it becomes clear: The Arabs have no rights in the [[racist]] Zionist view, and the main problem that Jewry is a religion and NOT a nation is never discussed. And criminal anti-Semitic church is never mentioned either. Zionism converted into a flight psychosis now. The English racist government tried with "commissions" and quotas to calm down both sides while racist Zionists were organizing illegal immigration. The Arab population was never asked...]]

[Peel commission of 1936 with partition plan - Zionists accept - Arabs don't accept the partition of Palestine]

The logic of events, compounded out of the first years of Hitler and the increasing clashes in Palestine between Jews and Arabs, evoked the single most serious study of the Palestine question which was ever undertaken, that by the Royal Commission of 1936, chaired by Lord Peel. In its many hearings, some of them in no less impressive a place than the House of Lords in London, and others in Palestine itself, the major spokesmen of all varieties of Arab and Jewish opinion were heard. There was little essential difference among the views of the [[racist]] Zionist representatives, for even such old antagonists as Weizmann and Jabotinsky spoke in the same terms. Both emphasized the spiritual and cultural elements in [[racist]] Zionism, the vision of the movement of a "new Jew" who would be born in freedom to achieve his own proper dignity. However, the main theme, in the testimony of both, was the misery of Jewish life at that moment.

Before the Peel Commission and later, at the Zionist Congress of 1937, when Weizmann proposed that the movement accept, in principle, the Commission's proposal to partition Palestine, he looked especially closely at the life of the Jews in Poland. He said openly that this community was doomed. A third of it, the old people, would no doubt die in Poland; for another third he had no hope; but it was the responsibility of all who could help to make it possible for the last third, the young people, to come to Palestine and start a new and decent life.

[[Also this was a big lie: Arab anti-Semitism would become very strong, and this could be foreseen that mass emigration to Palestine could not be the solution]].

In this atmosphere the Peel Commission proposed the division of Palestine into tree geographical entities:

-- an Arab state,
-- a Jewish one,
-- and a large enclave, including Jerusalem, to be governed by the British.

The proposed map was very nearly impossible, though, for it presumed the kind of goodwill between Jews and Arabs which, had it existed, would have made partition unnecessary. What the proposal did achieve, from the perspective of the [[racist]] Zionist movement, was the first formal suggestion by the ruling power that a Jewish state in at least part of Palestine was a realistic necessity; secondly, the proposal was based on the premise that Jews had a right, because of their need, to large new immigration into the land and that they could achieve this only if they were in political control of their own national (col. 1057)

destiny. The [[racist]] Zionist movement, after heated debate, which reflected the objections that the proposed state was unviable and that to accept it meant to give up the claim on the whole of the land, reluctantly accepted the partition proposal as a basis for discussion [[but the Herzl program was another one]]. The negotiations soon died, however, because the Arabs rejected the idea [[because the Arabs knew what Herzl and Zionists were thinking about a "Greater Israel" from Nile to Euphrates]] and the British, in the era of appeasement of Hitler, had no stomach for forcing any radical solution.

On the eve of World War II, [[racist]] Zionism had, however, defined itself as charged with the responsibility of creating or exercising, whether legally or illegally, as much independence as was necessary to do everything that was possible for the saving of Jews. This had become the dominant motif, and it had a directness and moral urgency which ever wider circles of Jewish and world opinion could not help but accept. The contrast between Jewish farmers in Palestine and their native-born sons, farming their fields and shooting back if necessary at Arab raiders, and the Jews being spat upon in Warsaw or sent to concentration camps, or worse, in Germany was, even before 1939, clear and unmistakable.> (col. 1058)

[The Muslim Husseini group ready to fight against the racist Zionist invasion in 1938 - English suppression and deportation and flight of extremist Arab leaders - racist Zionist and non-Zionist resolutions]

<The approaching war was casting ominous shadows. Britain could not face increased complications in a vital strategic region. Parliamentary reactions to the partition plan were unfavorable. Emir Abdullah stood to gain a great deal, for he could do in 1938 what he did in 1948 - take over the area allocated to the proposed Arab state. Abdullah's supporters were secretly with him, but for public consumption their attitude was negative. The Husseini camp was totally uncompromising and ready to renew the fight.

Soon the government was compelled to take drastic steps, including the suppression of the Arab Higher Committee and the deportation of extremist leaders; some of them including al-Husseini, had fled the country earlier. The riots continued, however, and to a large degree became an internecine Arab struggle, claiming numerous victims, mostly among the moderates.

The fact that the Jews were also split in their attitude to the partition plan made Britain's retreat from the plan much easier. In spite of [[racist Zionist leader]] Weizmann and Ben-Gurion's pleading in its favor, only a vague compromise resolution could be forced through the [[racist]] Zionist Congress in 1937. By 299 votes to 160 it was agreed that the Executive should "ascertain" in discussions with the [[racist Empire]] British "the precise terms for the proposed establishment of a Jewish State". The non-Zionist partners in the Jewish Agency were far more negative. They did not want a Jewish state; their decisions, including a request to the government to convene a conference of Jews and Arabs, made progress even more difficult.

[[It seems that the racist Empire British and the Arab leaders never took earnest the non-Zionists to form a common state]].

[Palestine commission of 1938 against a "Jewish State" - Hitler's facts with Crystal Night in 1938]

In 1938 another commission visited Palestine. Though it was called the Partition Commission, there had been a widespread feeling even before it reached Jerusalem that its real purpose was to bury the plan [[to "ascertain" in discussions with the [[racist Empire]] British "the precise terms for the proposed establishment of a Jewish State"]]. In the autumn it presented its report, which was negative. It was welcomed not only by Arabs, but also by anti-partition Zionists. But even before that happened, Hitler made his first decisive steps toward war: the annexation of Austria in April and the beginning of the destruction of Czechoslovakia in November. The same month also brought the *Kristallnacht [[Crystal Night]] in Germany.

By then the propaganda offensive of the Axis in the Near Est had heightened. Anxiety among Jews abroad mounted and led, inter alia, to the presentation of a memorandum on the subject to President Roosevelt by 245 members of both Houses of Congress and 30 governors. In Poland a Jewish Emigration Committee was established under government pressure to seek new "territories";a study mission went to Madagascar and returned with empty hands. Other territories were mentioned with little hope. By then, an air of inevitability began enveloping Europe and the world. No conditions could be less propitious for an attempt to achieve in 1939 what proved to be elusive before: a fair settlement.

[[The main mistake that Jewry is a religion and not a "nation" was never detected, and by this also the main enemy of the Jews was not detected: criminal racist "Christian" church which protected Hitler as a "Catholic", blessed his arms and prayed for his victories...]]

[Arab-Jewish conference on Palestine - Arabs strictly against any more Jewish immigration - English White Paper of May 1939 speculating with self-government and Jewish help in a future war - extremist Arabs without leaders - racist Jewish Zionist terror groups in Palestine (IZL etc.)]

Britain nonetheless considered that the urgent needs of the hour precluded further postponement. Taking up the suggestion that an Arab-Jewish conference be called, the British broadened the scope and invited, in addition of the parties to the conflict, representatives of Egypt, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Transjordan, and Yemen. Inevitably, the inclusion of the Arab states almost led to a boycott of the conference by the Jews, but the situation was far too grave for that. The Jewish delegation was large and weighty; it included Zionists, non-Zionists, and Agudat Israel. With regard to the leadership of the Palestine Arab delegation, London began by declaring Amin al-Husseini persona non grata and ended by accepting his representative and kinsman, Jamāl al-Husseini, over the opposition of moderate Palestine Arabs. The augury was plain: no agreed proposal could come from such a gathering.

The Arabs insisted on their full (col. 1085)

program: abolishment of the Jewish National Home, and end to Jewish immigration, and Arab self-government. There was no room for give and take

[[because this "Jewish National Home" - according to racist Herzl booklet "The Jewish State" and to Balfour declaration - had no borderlines, and Zionists had Nile and Euphrates as their projected borderlines according to 1st Mose chapter 15 phrase 18, and this was NOT acceptable for any Arab. But the racist Zionist were not ready to give up their racist Herzl booklet. Of course this is not mentioned in Encyclopaedia Judaica, but only the Arabs and the English are the culprits in the article...]]

The government of Neville Chamberlain saw itself facing one overriding task: to prepare for the coming war with Hitler. The Arabs could be a menace; the Jews had no choice. Thus, a new White Paper was issued in May 1939. A Palestine state was to be established and the population was to be prepared for self-government over a ten-year period. The future constitution was to include safeguards for the holy places, for the special position of the Jewish National Home, and for British interests. Full independence was made conditional on the creation of good relations between Arabs and Jews. As to immigration, 75,000 Jews were to be admitted in the next five years, after which the continuation of immigration would depend on Arab consent. The regulation of land sales, or their banning in certain areas, was left in the hands of the government.

the White Paper was rejected outright by Jews and Arabs alike. There was sharp criticism in the British Parliament, and only the grave international situation gave the government the needed majority; Labor and some 20 Conservatives (including Churchill) voted against it. The strongest words came from the Mandates Commission of the League of Nations, which stated unanimously that the policy "was not in accordance with the interpretation which ... the Commission had placed upon the Palestine Mandate". The matter was to come up before  the Council of the League of Nations, due to meet in September, since a change in the terms of the Mandate called for the council's consent. The war started before it met, and the British government considered itself free to act.

In the meantime, the extremist Arabs found themselves leaderless as al-Husseini and some of his associates were not allowed to return. This was used by the Arab moderates who saw a chance to gain both the leadership and a compromise that would give the Arabs most of what they wanted. The Jewish leaders in Palestine and abroad refused to cooperate with the British administration, and some extremist elements, mainly the underground *Irgun Zeva'i (Ẓeva'i) Le'ummi (I.Z.L.), soon turned to the use of force. The [[racist]] Zionist Congress which met in Geneva on the very eve of World War II avoided taking dramatic decisions. With armies massing all over Europe and with the signature of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, it was realized that both valor and wisdom would be needed in the coming struggle.> (col. 1086)

[The "USA" during the rise of Nazism: growing racist Zionist influence on the "US" government]

<With the rise of Nazism, [[racist]] Zionist membership in the [[criminal racist]] United States grew rapidly and the [[racist]] Zionist organizations became a prevailing influence in the community while also widening the circle of friends and supporters in the general community.> (col. 1088)

[[Rise of Nazism was financed above all by foreign racist magnates, e.g., Henry Ford, Shell, French racists, Russian tsarists etc., see here: Hitler's Financiers, and the racist "US" industry gave Hitler all military support up to the end of the war, see here: Collaboration Standard Oil, Opel Blitz, Deomag, IBM etc.]. The combination of this "US" help for Hitler's war machinery and the racist Zionist influence on the "US" government is a frighting contradiction]].

[[Addition: Forgotten systematic Jewish emigration from Europe to other countries 1933-1939
The article is not telling anything about the emigration programs 1933-1939 to other countries. From 1933 to 1939 about half of the Jews in Europe could emigrate to Palestine, England or to other oversea countries, see
-- Joint (Germany),
-- Joint (England),
-- Joint ("USA"),
-- Joint (Shanghai),
-- *Cuba as a stopover;

or see some neutral countries: *Switzerland, *Portugal. And here is the whole figure of Jews who emigrated from Germany 1931-1939: 440,000. About 80% of them were safe in oversea countries. From Poland emigrated the great part of the young generation, see *Poland. The same happened with all states of eastern Europe. Later since 1940, Palestine, Switzerland and England were in danger to be occupied by the Nazi troops. E.g., Nazi bombs also killed Jews in England who had fled there. Generally Jewish emigration was going on during the war 1939-1945 on a little scale]].
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Sources
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1055-1056
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1055-1056
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1057-1058
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1057-1058
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1085-1086
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1085-1086
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1087-1088
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1087-1088


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